You think CJ Roberts will preside at the trial? Do not be too certain:
One unusual wrinkle in the second Trump trial may be the identity of the presiding officer, according to Politico’s Playbook:
> Multiple Republican and Democratic sources close to the impeachment trial negotiations tell us that Supreme Court Chief Justice JOHN ROBERTS is looking to avoid presiding over impeachment proceedings.
> We’re hearing that Roberts, who for years has sought to keep the courts apolitical, was not happy he became a top target of the left during Trump’s first impeachment trial. “He wants no further part of this,” one of our Hill sources says.
John Roberts’s “out” would be the constitutional language that specifies a presiding role for the chief justice only in trials of sitting presidents, as SCOTUSblog noted just before the first Trump trial:
> It is crucial to note why the chief justice appears only in presidential impeachment proceedings. The simple answer has to do with the often-forgotten constitutional power of the vice president to serve as president — meaning presiding officer — of the Senate. In any impeachment case other than that of the president, the vice president can preside, as Thomas Jefferson did in the very first impeachment, that of Senator William Blount in 1799, and as Aaron Burr later did in the 1805 trial of Justice Samuel Chase. However, the Framers recognized that it would be unseemly at best for the person who would assume the presidency in the event of conviction by the Senate to preside over the president’s trial. To prevent that obvious conflict of interest, they specified the chief justice as a stand-in presiding officer in presidential impeachment trials.
With Trump out of office, Harris isn’t going to inherit the top office upon a conviction, so there’s no reason for the chief justice to step in. But given Harris’s history as a senator who voted to remove Trump from office at the end of his first trial, compounded by the exceptional nastiness he has exhibited toward her (calling her a “monster” and a “communist” the day after her debate with Mike Pence last October), she may choose to step aside as well, which would devolve the presiding-officer role to incoming Senate president pro tem Pat Leahy, a veteran lawmaker (he’s been a senator since 1975) with a reputation for fairness and gravitas.
Democratic management of the trial notwithstanding, Senate Republicans hold Trump’s fate in their hands, with at least 17 defections being necessary to secure his conviction. While the near solidarity they achieved in Trump’s defense during the first trial is unlikely, they will have the same dodge available that Roberts is using to take a pass on holding the 45th president accountable for his misconduct: that the system was designed for sitting, not former, presidents. While Democrats will argue that the constitutionally sanctioned ban on future office-holding is the legitimate object of a trial, you can expect many Republicans to counter that the ban was intended to be a supplement, not an alternative, to removal from office. This question, having never been adjudicated in the courts, will hang over the proceedings from the get-go.